Preface

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2004
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
February 28, 2005

In his second inaugural address, President Bush renewed America’s commitment to stand for freedom and human dignity throughout the world:

America’s vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the maker of heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation’s security, and the calling of our time.

So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

The Country Reports on Human Rights Practices provide a key framework that the United States and others around the world use in assessing the state of human freedom and in marshalling efforts to advance it. The conscientious compiling of these reports equips us to more effectively stand against oppression and for human dignity and liberty. Our embassies and Washington staff work closely with local citizens, human rights and other organizations, and community leaders to identify, investigate, and verify information. These volumes, available in the languages of most of the world’s peoples, foster discussion, promote advocacy, permit the measurement of progress, and show where improvements are needed.

Over the last 12 months, we have worked closely with the international community to enable citizens in countries such as Guatemala, Indonesia, Ghana, Ukraine, and Afghanistan to make their votes truly count in selecting their governments. This fundamental right to effective suffrage opens the door for advancing a wide range of other rights, as the records in these countries have already begun to show.

This 28th edition of our Country Reports turns our spotlight on 196 countries, ranging from the stoutest defenders to the worst violators of human dignity. We take seriously our responsibility to report as accurately, as sensitively, and as carefully as possible the information in these reports.

The information contained in this report allows us to construct strategies for promoting freedom and individual liberty. In the coming month we will report on the specific steps we have taken over the past year to support human rights and democracy.

Mindful of the diligent effort and widespread cooperation both within and outside the Department that has gone into preparing these reports, I am pleased to transmit the Department of State’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2004 to the U.S. Congress.

Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of State

Introduction

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2004
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
February 28, 2005

On September 17, 2002, President Bush presented a new National Security Strategy for the United States based on the principle that promoting political and economic freedom and respect for human dignity will build a safer and better world. To guide and focus the national effort that had grown out of the war on terrorism, the strategy outlined a series of fundamental tasks which, among others, required our Government to champion aspirations for human rights and build democracy. In his second inaugural address on January 20, 2005, President Bush elaborated on that principle: "The survival of liberty in our land depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world."

The United States and its international partners worked with many countries during 2004 to expand freedom by helping to protect the political rights of their citizens and to advance the rule of law in their societies. In a few cases, where concerns centered on the rights of the people to choose their own governments, dramatic developments focused global attention on their struggles and landmark achievements.

In the past three years since the removal of the Taliban regime, the people of Afghanistan have worked to diminish terrorism and improve security; to bridge traditional ethnic, religious, and tribal divides; to craft a new constitution faithful to their values and way of life; to extend fundamental rights to women and minorities; and to open their society to unprecedented political competition and freedom of expression. The international community responded to this undertaking by helping to register voters across a geographically scattered, largely illiterate population; by educating cadres of Afghan election workers and political participants in the conduct of elections and campaigns and by joining with Afghan forces to provide security during pre-election preparations and during the actual voting. In the presidential election, which took place in October, 18 candidates vied for the votes of the 10 million registered Afghans, more than 40 percent of whom were women. Despite threats and attacks before the vote and serious technical challenges, more than 8 million Afghans--including more than 3.2 million women--cast ballots to chose their leader in a truly democratic election for the first time, with a majority selecting President Hamid Karzai.

In Ukraine, the presidential election campaign was marred by government pressure on opposition candidates and by widespread violations and fraud during the voting. The Kuchma government engaged in fraud and manipulation during the presidential election in both the first and second round of voting on October 31 and November 21. The Government censored media outlets and journalists to influence news coverage, which sparked the so-called "journalist rebellion" among reporters who refused to follow government directives. Eventually, popular demonstrations against the official results of the flawed November 21 vote gradually swelled into an "Orange Revolution," the campaign color associated with opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, who was widely believed to have won the election.

Respect for human rights in Ukraine took a decided turn for the better when, on December 3, the country’s Supreme Court invalidated the runoff election as fraudulent, vindicating the observations of many domestic and international monitors about numerous violations of electoral procedures, harassment of opposition candidates, heavily biased coverage in government-controlled media, and widespread voting and counting fraud. In the court-mandated repeat election on December 26, the people of Ukraine selected their new President. International observers of that vote, won by Yushchenko, noted the improvements in media coverage, increase in transparency of the voting process, decrease in government pressure to support a particular candidate, and fewer disruptions at the polls. The new President expressed a strong commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and observance of human rights.

In Iraq, people faced a series of difficult tasks as they prepared to choose their own leader through democratic elections, while the severity and ubiquity of terrorist attacks expanded the dimensions of the challenges. First, the Iraqi Governing Council achieved consensus on a framework for the transition of sovereignty back to Iraqi authorities under the aegis of the rule of law and clearly defined procedures by which Iraq’s citizens would be able to choose their own authorities and construct their own constitutional order. In March, the approval of the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) achieved these objectives and paved the way for the second step, the transition of sovereignty from the Coalition Provisional Authority to the Iraqi Interim Government (IIG) on June 28.

Working with the assistance of the United Nations and other international advisors, the IIG established the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq, an independent election authority that established procedures for registration of and voting by Iraqis and expatriates in 14 other countries. On August 15 - 18, the National Conference convened and elected a 100-member Interim National Council. Elections for the Transitional National Assembly, the country's legislative authority and the first step in the formation of an Iraqi Transitional Government, were scheduled to take place on January 30, 2005. According to the TAL, the transitional government will draft a permanent constitution that is to be ratified by August 2005, and new elections are to be held for a permanent government under that Constitution by December 2005.

We believe events like these elections will increase the prospects for peace, provide a solid grounding for self-government in these countries and help create momentum for the improvement of human rights practices for all people participating in them. Yet progress along this path will not be easy or rapid, at least at first, as the 196 detailed reports in this volume amply demonstrate. In a number of cases, these reports will show that human rights practices may actually have eroded despite the successful completion of internationally accepted elections, as has occurred in some respects with the judiciary and the media since the voting that took place last year in Venezuela.

It was in part the recognition of the complexity and difficulty of the task of promoting human rights that led Congress in 1977 to institutionalize the Department of State’s process of compiling these annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. By providing this compendium of witness to the global human rights experience, we hope that the record of this work in progress will help illuminate both future tasks and the potential for greater cooperation in advancing the aspirations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The Year in Review: Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

Behind the detail of 196 country reports contained in the pages that follow, the developments and experiences in certain countries stand out due not only to the intensity of the human rights problems but also to our involvement with the victims and their governments during 2004.

The Government of Sudan’s human rights record remained extremely poor as it continued to restrict freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion and movement. It arrested and harassed those who exercised these rights.

At year's end, there were more than 1.5 million Internally Displaced Person (IDPs) in the Sudanese Province of Darfur, and another 200,000 civilians had fled into Chad, where the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) coordinated a massive refugee relief effort. Approximately 70,000 people reportedly died as a result of the violence and forced displacement.

Despite the Government's repeated commitments to refrain from further violence in Darfur, the atrocities continued. Government and government-supported militias known as the Jinjaweed routinely attacked civilian villages. Typically, the Jinjaweed, often in concert with regular government forces, conducted attacks under cover of military aerial support. In September, after carefully reviewing a detailed study conducted by independent experts covering the experience of more than 1,100 refugees, Secretary of State Colin Powell concluded that genocide had been committed against the people of Darfur, saying that "Genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and Jinjaweed bear responsibility and that genocide may still be occurring."

Government forces in that region routinely killed, injured, and displaced civilians, and destroyed clinics and dwellings intentionally during offensive operations. There were confirmed reports that government-supported militia also intentionally attacked civilians, looted their possessions, and destroyed their villages.

At the same time, year-end developments in negotiations related to the North-South conflict provided hope for peace and improvement of human rights practices in other areas of Sudan. By year's end, the State Department saw significant movement on the preliminary accords between the Government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement Army after 21 years of low intensity conflict.

In response to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (North Korea) continued brutal and repressive treatment of its people, the United States Congress enacted the North Korea Human Rights Act of 2004. The Act seeks to address the serious human rights situation in North Korea and to promote durable solutions for North Korean refugees, transparency in provision of humanitarian assistance, a free flow of information, and a peaceful reunification on the Korean peninsula.

In Belarus, police abuse and occasional torture of prisoners and detainees continued. The security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens for political reasons; in addition, individuals were sued and sentenced to jail terms for such political crimes as "defamation" of state officials, often interpreted to include criticism of their policies. The Government of Belarus persisted in discounting credible reports regarding the role of government officials in the long-term disappearances of a journalist and well-known opposition political figures and failed to conduct full, transparent investigations into these disappearances. Instead, the Government appointed Viktor Sheiman, linked to disappearances by credible evidence in a Council of Europe report, as Head of the Presidential Administration, thus perpetuating a climate of abuse with impunity.

In Burma, the Junta ruled by decree and was not bound by any constitutional provisions providing any fundamental rights. Security forces carried out extrajudicial killings. In addition, disappearances continued, and security forces raped, tortured, beat, and otherwise abused prisoners and detainees. Arbitrary arrests and incommunicado detention were frequent. Security forces also regularly infringed on citizens' privacy, forcibly relocated populations, and conscripted child soldiers.

The Government of Iran was responsible for numerous killings during the year, including executions following trials that lacked due process. There were numerous reports that security forces tortured prisoners and detainees. Additionally, there were arbitrary arrests, extended incommunicado detention, poor and overcrowded prisons, lack of access to counsel, punishment by the lash, and violation of personal privacy.

China’s cooperation and progress on human rights during 2004 was disappointing. China failed to fulfill many of the commitments it made at the 2002 U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue. However, at the end of the year, working level discussions on human rights, which had been suspended when the U.S. supported a resolution on China’s human rights practices at the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), were resumed. During 2004, the government continued to arrest and detain activists, such as individuals discussing freely on the Internet, defense lawyers advocating on behalf of dissidents and the dispossessed, activists arguing for HIV/AIDs issues, journalists reporting on SARS, intellectuals expressing political views, persons attending house churches, and workers protesting for their rights. Abuses continued in Chinese prisons. The Government continued its crackdown against the Falun Gong spiritual movement, and tens of thousands of practitioners remained incarcerated in prisons, extrajudicial reeducation-through-labor camps, and psychiatric facilities. The National People’s Congress amended the Constitution to include protection of human rights, yet it is unclear to what extent the Government plans to implement this amendment.

In Saudi Arabia, there were positive developments in a few areas, including a government-sponsored conference on women’s rights and obligations and the formation of the first formal human rights organization permitted in the Kingdom. In October, the Government issued an executive by-law entitling some long-term residents to apply for citizenship, and by year's end, voter and candidate registration, albeit only for men, was well advanced for municipal elections scheduled for February 2005.

The record of human rights abuses and violations for Saudi Arabia, however, still far exceeds the advances. There were credible reports of torture and abuse of prisoners by security forces, arbitrary arrests, and incommunicado detentions. The religious police continued to intimidate, abuse, and detain citizens and foreigners. Most trials were closed, and defendants usually appeared before judges without legal counsel. Security forces arrested and detained reformers. The Government continued to restrict freedoms of speech and press, assembly, association and movement, and there were reports that the Government infringed on individuals’ privacy rights. Violence and discrimination against women, violence against children, discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities, and strict limitations on worker rights continued.

In contrast to developments in a number of countries that increased direct citizen control over government authorities, in Russia changes in parliamentary election laws and a shift to the appointment, instead of election, of regional governors further strengthened the power of the executive branch. Greater restrictions on the media, a compliant Duma (Parliament), shortcomings in recent national elections, law enforcement corruption, and political pressure on the judiciary also raised concerns about the erosion of government accountability. Racially motivated violence and discrimination increased, despite considerable legislative prohibitions. Authorities failed to investigate actions against minorities while subjecting them to more frequent document checks, targeting them for deportation from urban centers, and fining them in excess of permissible penalties or detaining them more frequently. Government institutions intended to protect human rights were relatively weak.

The Government of Zimbabwe has conducted a concerted campaign of violence, repression, and intimidation. This campaign has been marked by disregard for human rights, the rule of law, and the welfare of Zimbabwe's citizens. Torture by various methods is used against political opponents and human rights advocates. War veterans, youth brigades, and police officers act with sustained brutality against political enemies. The Mugabe regime has also targeted other institutions of government, including the judiciary and police. Judges have been harassed into submission or resignation, replaced by Mugabe’s cronies. The news media have been restricted and suppressed, with offending journalists arrested and beaten. Land seizures continue to be used as a tool for political and social oppression, and opponents of these destructive policies are subject to violent reprisals.

Respect for human rights remained poor in Venezuela during 2004, despite the Government victory in an August referendum to recall President Chavez. Opponents charged that the process was fraudulent, but Organization of American States (OAS) and Carter Center observers found that the official results "reflected the will of the electorate." Throughout the year, the Government increased its control over the judicial system and its interference in the administration of justice. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were subject to threats and intimidation by government supporters. In December, the legislature passed laws that erode freedom of the media, freedom of speech, and which in effect make criticism of the government a criminal offense. The U.S. Government sanctioned the Venezuelan Government for continuing to fall short in efforts to combat trafficking in persons.

Fidel Castro added another year to his record as the longest serving dictator in the world. The Government retained its stance of rejection of all democratic processes and continued its harassment and intimidation of pro-democracy activists, dissidents, journalists and other professionals and workers seeking to undertake economic activities not controlled by the state. The majority of the 75 dissidents sentenced to long jail terms in 2003 remained incarcerated despite international protests, and the authorities arrested 22 additional human rights activists and sentenced them for acts such as "contempt for authority." Addressing abuses in Cuba continued to be a priority for the United States as a member of the UNCHR.

During its 2004 session, the UNCHR formally adopted a U.S.-sponsored resolution on Cuba, as well as resolutions on Turkmenistan, North Korea and Belarus for the second year in a row. A resolution on Burma was approved by consensus. With such member countries as Zimbabwe, Cuba, Sudan, and China, which fail to protect their own citizens’ rights, the 2004 session of the UNCHR fell short in several respects. The Commission failed to adopt resolutions on the human rights situations in China, Zimbabwe and Chechnya. The United States continued to emphasize the need to improve the functioning of the Commission, especially by supporting the inclusion of more countries with positive human rights records.

The United States believes that democratically elected governments are more likely to respect their citizens’ human rights. For this reason, the United States collaborated with other participating countries of the Community of Democracies (CD), a network of democratic countries working together to promote, solidify, and advance democracy throughout the world. In 2004, the U.S. joined other CD countries to help launch the formation of a democracy caucus, a group of like-minded countries that coordinates more closely in the UNCHR and other UN settings to advance goals consistent with democratic values. At the UNCHR, the United States – jointly with Peru, Romania and East Timor – introduced and succeeded in having adopted a resolution to enhance the UN’s role in promoting democracy. Among the resolution’s recommendations is a call for the establishment of a mechanism – a "Focal Point" – within the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, dedicated to helping new and emerging democracies access UN resources available to support them.

In addition to its support for the creation of the UN democracy caucus, the CD sought to support the development of democratic institutions and values through projects linking democratic countries. It sent a multinational delegation of democracy practitioners to East Timor to share best practices with Timorese officials. Likewise, a group of Iraqi, election-related officials traveled from Iraq to Lithuania to observe and learn about election processes. Unifying democratic voices against violations of basic human rights--rights that have been codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and that that were reaffirmed in the CD's Warsaw Declaration and Seoul Plan of Action--is an essential way to maintain pressure on governments that deny and violate the rights of their own citizens.

Institutional changes:

In Qatar, the process of constitutional change continued with the Emir's approval of the draft of a new constitution that voters overwhelmingly had approved in 2003. Although the Emir’s family will maintain hereditary rule, the new constitution, expected to be enacted in June 2005, contains a number of human rights provisions.

In Pakistan, President Musharraf continued as Chief of the Army Staff, despite his promise to step down by year's end.

In Africa, the Central African Republic (CAR) enacted a new constitution and took a number of other steps to further an announced transition to democracy under President Bozize, who seized power in a March 2003 coup. In Guinea-Bissau, following a military coup in September 2003, the military installed a civilian government. In both cases, the stabilization of post-coup situations has been accompanied by a decline in the number of reported violations of human rights.

Turkey’s desire to meet the EU Copenhagen Criteria to begin the accession process moved the Government to pass an important package of reforms, including a new, relatively more liberal penal code and a set of constitutional amendments to combat honor killings and torture; expand the freedom of religion, expression, and association; and reduce the role of the military in government. However, implementation of these reforms lagged. Security forces continued to commit numerous abuses, including torture, beatings, and arbitrary arrest and detention, although observers noted a decrease in such practices and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture reported that local authorities were making efforts to comply with the Government's "zero tolerance" policy on torture. Honor killings continued. The Government relaxed some restrictions on the use of Kurdish and other languages, but restrictions on free speech and the press remained.

The year witnessed increasing efforts by some governments to fight corruption. Costa Rica was the most ambitious in actually investigating former high-level officials, as it launched separate investigations for misuse of funds, kickbacks, and illegal contracts by three former presidents. In Africa, anti-corruption campaigns focused on pecuniary as well as human rights abuses by officials. Gambian President Jammeh’s campaign centered on curbing official corruption to restore international credibility, and the work of the Commission of Inquiry led to the dismissal of a number of top officials and some prosecutions for economic crimes. Kenya created an anti-corruption czar, and the Government opened a number of investigations into allegations of extrajudicial killings. In Zambia, a Police Complaints Authority instituted in 2003 to combat police misconduct continued investigations into complaints.

Political rights:

Regrettably, with the exception of Georgia and Ukraine, political developments in Eurasia remain a serious concern. Progress continues to be measured largely in terms of civil society development. More and more NGOs, opposition parties, and citizens are willing to organize and advocate for government accountability. In Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, opposition parties are unable to register. At the same time, governments of the regions are drawing the wrong lessons from Ukraine and Georgia and attempt to stifle civil society by harassing democracy NGOs through bureaucratic obstacles and specious legal means.

In Georgia, the progress that international observers noted in last January’s presidential election set the stage for "the most democratic elections in Georgia’s history" in parliamentary voting in March. Other governments in the region have made some limited progress in improving electoral processes by drafting new election codes. New election laws introduced in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are an improvement in some areas, but in all three countries, the laws continue to fall short of international standards. Likewise, elections in 2004 in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan marked limited improvements over previous ones, but domestic and international observers raised questions about voting irregularities, abuse or harassment of opposition candidates, or limitations on equal access to the media.

In Belarus, the Government continued to deny citizens the right to change their government through a democratic political process. A seriously flawed referendum on October 17 removed constitutional term limits on the presidency. In advance of the referendum and the equally flawed parliamentary elections held simultaneously, the Government suspended independent newspapers and disqualified many parliamentary candidates. The Government used excessive force and in some cases beat and arrested political leaders who peacefully protested electoral fraud and the journalists covering the protests. During the year, the Government also shut down a number of major registered NGOs that focused on political rights, and state security authorities increasingly harassed those that remained.

In October, Bosnia and Herzegovina held its first self-administered municipal elections since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords. The elections were judged to meet international democratic standards.

A notably high voter turnout in a series of three elections in Indonesia paved the way for the transition in political power there from a defeated incumbent to an elected opposition leader. The process also marked the defeat of military and police candidates who stood for seats in Parliament.

In noteworthy elections in Africa, the incumbent political parties of Ghana and Mozambique gained re-election in processes that were judged generally free and fair. Sierra Leone held its first local government elections in 32 years, although there were irregularities in some areas.

In Burundi, concern focused on the delay in holding elections and the progress of the country’s transition to democracy. The Transitional Government failed to hold the local and national elections that are stipulated by the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, and at the end of the year it also delayed indefinitely a referendum on a draft constitution. The Maoist insurgency and the deadlock among Nepal’s political parties also prevented the holding of elections there during the year and helped deepen the country’s political crisis.

In Rwanda, greatly circumscribed political rights were further limited when leading human rights organizations were either shut down or effectively dismantled. The action was justified as part of a campaign against "divisionism," according to a government report that accused human rights groups, journalists, teachers, and churches of promoting an "ideology of genocide."

The Iranian Government’s respect for the freedom and political participation of its citizens continued to deteriorate. Elections that were widely perceived as neither free nor fair were held for the 290-seat Majlis (Parliament) in February. The conservative, cleric-dominated Guardian Council excluded virtually all reformist candidates, including 85 incumbent members of parliament. Reasons cited included not showing "demonstrated obedience" to the current system of government. As a result of the seriously-flawed elections, reformers were reduced to a small minority of the parliament. Meanwhile, the conservative backlash against reformist trends and parties continues.

Internal and other conflicts:

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Sierra Leone completed public hearings in which approximately 10,000 citizens participated to air grievances as victims or provide confessions from the civil war. The Commission suggested legal, political and administrative reforms to the Government. The Government also released numerous children who had fought as child soldiers. By year’s end, the UN Mission to Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) had handed over responsibility countrywide to the Sierra Leone Armed Forces and the Sierra Leone Police, as UNAMSIL began preparations to withdraw by June 2005 as stipulated by its Security Council mandate.

After being elected in a runoff at the end of 2003, Guatemalan President Oscar Berger "re-launched" the 1996 Peace Accords as a national agenda and symbolically apologized to citizens on behalf of the State for human rights violations committed during that country’s protracted civil war. The Government also reduced the size of the military, eliminated some major commands and units and reduced the military budget. In August, the military made public a new doctrine, which includes provisions on the importance of protecting human rights.

As a result of negotiations throughout the year, the Government of Colombia demobilized approximately 3,000 fighters from the paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) in November and December. In addition, hundreds of municipal officials returned to their towns after the government established a permanent police presence in every urban center in the country. As a result, rates for homicides, kidnappings, and other violent crimes decreased.

In Haiti, domestic conflict continued throughout the year. The political impasse, combined with increasing violence between pro- and anti-Aristide factions, culminated on February 29, when President Aristide submitted his resignation and left the country. Despite the presence of UN peacekeeping forces, the constitutionally-established Interim Government remained weak. In September, pro-Aristide partisans in Port-au-Prince launched a campaign of destabilization and violence known as "Operation Baghdad." This campaign included kidnapping, decapitation and burning of police officers and civilians, indiscriminate shootings, and the destruction and incineration of public and private property. The violence prevented the normal functioning of schools, public markets, the seaport, and the justice system in Port-au-Prince for several weeks.

A series of conflicts continued to trouble South Asia. In Jammu and Kashmir and the northeastern states of India, violence continued, and security forces committed abuses with impunity, killing civilians and not just armed combatants. In Sri Lanka, both the Government and the terrorist organization, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, violated the ceasefire. In Nepal, the disappearance of persons in custody remained a very serious problem, and government security forces continued to have broad authority to arrest and detain individuals suspected of sympathizing with the Maoist insurgents. Security forces also used arbitrary and unlawful lethal force. As the Maoist insurgency continued, rebel militants tortured civilians, while government agents forcibly conscripted children as soldiers and conducted bombings that killed civilians.

The Great Lakes region of central Africa, which encompasses the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda, has been plagued by civil war, large-scale interethnic violence, and massive human rights abuses associated with them for well over a decade due to the continuing presence of armed groups and militia that move between the countries. These groups compete with one another for strategic and natural resources and inhabit an environment of shifting alliances. Among the most worrisome groups in the eastern Congo are those who took sanctuary in the region after the 1994 Rwandan genocide. This same group continues to oppose the Government of Rwanda and launch cross-border campaigns, as well as attack civilians in the DRC and commit numerous other abuses. There are also armed groups in the region who oppose the governments and peace process in Uganda and Burundi.

While prospects for peace in the Great Lakes region are promising, human rights abuses are almost routine. Children are the primary victims and are forcefully recruited, abducted, and turned into soldiers, although some of the governments have made progress in demobilizing child soldiers in their ranks. Some militia groups are predominantly comprised of children. Women and girls are particularly vulnerable, as rape increasingly is used as a weapon of war. The region is a home to approximately five million of the world's 25 million internally displaced persons and hosts a number of refugees. The United States is actively pursuing talks between the DRC, Uganda and Rwanda. We continue to monitor the situation in all the countries in the region by focusing attention on the threat posed by armed groups.

In Cote d’Ivoire, an attack on the rebel positions and an air strike on French peacekeeping troops in November broke the tenuous 18-month ceasefire between the Government and rebels. Despite the embargo and threat of sanctions, the Government has threatened to pursue a military solution to the conflict. President Bush determined that Cote d’Ivoire, once one of the United States’ largest trading partners in the region through the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), was ineligible for AGOA this year due to concerns about the security situation and the general decline in the rule of law that make it a hostile place for foreign investment.

In Russia, the September attack on a school in Beslan in North Osettia and the ongoing disappearances of civilians detained by security forces underscored the extent to which both sides in the expanding conflict in the North Caucasus continue to demonstrate little respect for basic human rights. There were credible reports of serious violations, including politically motivated disappearances and unlawful killings, by both the government and Chechen rebels. Individuals seeking accountability for these abuses also continued to be targeted, and Chechen rebels continued to attack Russian civilians, including a bombing of a Moscow subway.

Integrity of the person:

After years of controversy, the Chilean Supreme Court upheld an appeals court decision to lift the judicial immunity of former President Augusto Pinochet. On December 13, a prosecuting judge indicted Pinochet for crimes committed as part of "Operation Condor" during the 1970s.

In Central African Republic as the process of transition to civilian rule continued, the government disbanded the Security Investigation Division, a military intelligence unit that was accused of committing numerous human rights abuses, including torture, rape and extortion, during 2003. In December 2003, President Bozize reconvened the permanent military tribunal after an eight-year suspension. The tribunal considered cases on a variety of alleged human rights abuses including extrajudicial killings, rape and armed robbery.

North Korea remains one of the world’s most repressive and brutal regimes. An estimated 150,000-200,000 persons are believed to be political prisoners in detention camps in remote areas, and defectors report that many prisoners have died from torture, starvation, disease, exposure, or a combination of causes. The regime also subjects citizens to rigid controls over many aspects of their lives.

In Egypt, the 1981 Emergency Law, extended in February 2003 for an additional 3 years, restricted many basic rights. The security forces continued to mistreat and torture prisoners, which resulted in at least 10 reported deaths in custody at police stations or prisons during the year. Arbitrary arrest and detention and prolonged pretrial detention remained serious problems. Dismal prison conditions persisted.

Widespread use of torture by the Government of Syria resulted in at least 8 deaths during the year. Arbitrary arrest and detention, prolonged pre-trial detention without trial, fundamentally unfair trials in the security courts, and deteriorating prison conditions all persisted. Throughout the year, the security services conducted mass arrests of Kurds in Hassakeh province, Aleppo, Damascus, and other areas. On March 12, security forces in Qamishli, in the northeastern Hassakeh province, opened fire on a crowd at a soccer match after clashes between Arab and Kurdish fans erupted. In the days of rioting that followed, dozens were killed, as many as 2,000 Kurds were detained, and nearly 300 Kurds remained in custody and were awaiting trial before the State Security Court and Military Court at year’s end. The Government also continued to withhold information on the welfare and whereabouts of persons who have been held incommunicado for years.

In Uzbekistan, torture was routine in prisons, pretrial facilities, and local police and security service precincts, and members of the security forces responsible for documented abuses were rarely punished. However, the government took some notable steps to address torture and establish police accountability. It created preliminary procedures within some divisions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for investigating and disciplining officers for human rights abuses and allowed NGO access to its prisons and to train prison guards in human rights practices. The Government also cooperated with international forensic experts to take part in investigations of deaths in custody in which torture had been alleged.

Freedom of the press:

A conservative backlash to democratic demands in Iran extended into a number of areas beyond explicit questions of political rights. For example, the investigation into the 2003 death of a Canadian/Iranian photographer who suffered a brain hemorrhage after sustaining injuries while in an Iranian prison stagnated during 2004. The Government also gradually suppressed all independent domestic media outlets and arrested or intimidated their journalists into silence. In 2004 the last forum for free debate, weblogs, came under pressure when the government began arresting their creators and forcing them to sign false confessions.

The increase in government pressure and control of media in Russia continued to weaken freedom of expression and independence of the media there, as a trend of increasing control and harassment of the press was noted in a number of Eurasian countries, especially Belarus and some countries in Central Asia. The Russian approach centered on use of controlling ownership of broadcast media to limit access to information on sensitive issues, such as Chechnya. Government pressure also increased self-censorship of journalists.

In Togo, after the Government undertook formal political consultations with the European Union, it adopted a new press code with mixed results. It eliminated prison sentences for most journalistic offenses, but maintained them for inciting certain actions, such as ethnic hatred or violation of the law, as well as for publishing under a false name. The law also sets standards of professionalism for journalists and requires independent newspapers to ensure that at least one third of their staff meet the Government’s standards.

While Algeria experienced its first contested democratic election in 2004, leading to the reelection of President Bouteflika, the Government acted to increase restrictions on the media. The use of defamation laws and government harassment of the press significantly increased, leading to the imprisonment of several journalists for terms from two to 24 months, closure or suspension of two newspapers, and more self-censorship by the press.

In Venezuela, international organizations and domestic journalists charged the government with encouraging a climate of hostility toward the media. Administrative acts, combined with a new law passed in December, created a climate of hostility toward the independent media with increasing threats of prosecution.

Freedom of religion:

These issues are discussed in depth in the Annual Report on International Religious Freedom, released in September 2004, while these Country Reports further highlight and update important developments.

The International Religious Freedom Act requires that those countries that engage in particularly severe violations of religious freedom be designated as Countries of Particular Concern (CPC). In September 2004, the Secretary of State re-designated Burma, China, Iran, North Korea, and Sudan as CPCs, and designated for the first time Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, and Vietnam.

With the cessation of government-sponsored violations of religious freedom under Saddam Hussein, the Secretary acted to remove Iraq’s CPC designation in June 2004. Since the liberation of Iraq by coalition forces, there have been no governmental impediments to religious freedom, and the Iraqi Transitional Administrative Law provides for "freedom of thought, conscience, and religious belief and practice."

The Government of Saudi Arabia's actions in the area of religious freedom were disappointing. Throughout 2004, senior U.S. officials engaged Saudi authorities in an intense discussion of religious practices, and in September, the Secretary of State designated Saudi Arabia as a "Country of Particular Concern" under the International Religious Freedom Act for particularly severe violations of religious freedom. The Government rigidly mandates religious conformity. Non-Wahabi Sunni Muslims, as well as Shia and Sufi Muslims, face discrimination and sometimes severe restrictions on the practice of their faith. A number of leaders from these traditions have been arrested and imprisoned. The government prohibits public non-Muslim religious activities. Non-Muslim worshippers risk arrest, imprisonment, torture, or deportation for engaging in religious activities that attract official attention. There were frequent instances in which mosque preachers, whose salaries are paid by the government, used violent language against non-Sunni Muslims and other religions in their sermons.

Vietnam continued to restrict freedom of religion and the operation of religious organizations other than those approved by the State. The Government failed to issue a nationwide decree banning forced renunciations of faith, did not end the physical abuse of religious believers, continued to hold a significant number of religious prisoners, and although it permitted the re-opening of some churches closed in the Central Highlands in 2001, it refused to allow the re-opening and registration of hundreds of others. However, following CPC designation, some improvements in religious freedom were evident. Some religious leaders expressed cautious optimism about a new Ordinance on Religion that the Government released in November, and in December, the Evangelical Church of Vietnam North (ECVN) held its first National Congress in 20 years and named a new, independent leadership board.

Among the gains in freedom of religion covered by the Country Reports, the Jehovah’s Witnesses in Armenia succeeded in October to register with the government after they had experienced a string of rejected applications. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new state-level law on religious freedom passed both houses of the legislature. The law provides comprehensive rights to religious communities and confers a legal status upon them they had not held previously. And in Georgia, there were fewer reports of violence against minority religious groups this year.

Treatment of minorities, women and children:

On December 30, the Department of State completed its Report on Global Anti-Semitism, July 1, 2003-December 15, 2004. Drawing extensively on material from our embassies, NGOs and accounts submitted for these Country Reports, this separate compendium was prepared in accordance with a separate legislative provision.

In the Czech and Slovak Republics, discrimination against Roma persisted, although both governments made efforts to improve the situation through such measures as revising legal norms and recruiting Roma to serve as community liaisons with the police forces or as health assistants.

In Croatia, the restitution of property to mostly Serb refugees has improved significantly, although local obstruction to the return of minority groups remained a problem. In Kosovo, acts of violence against the minority Kosovo Serb population and other non-Serb minorities took place during a series of riots over two days in March, demonstrating the continued tenuousness of minority rights there.

In Thailand, the government’s human rights record was marred by abuses committed by security forces against Muslim dissidents in the southern part of the country. On April 28, elements of the police and military killed more than 100 persons while repelling attacks by Muslim separatists in Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces. On October 25, 78 Muslim detainees being transported to an army camp died from asphyxiation after police and military forces stacked them into overcrowded truck beds.

In Afghanistan and Iraq, women made unprecedented strides in exercising political rights by voting, holding public office and standing for election as candidates. In education and other areas as well, women made increasing strides in achieving basic rights. In Pakistan, special women’s police stations with all female staff have been established in response to complaints of custodial abuse of women. Additionally, while honor killings continued in Pakistan, new legislation stiffened penalties for honor killings and criminal proceedings for the blasphemy laws and Hudood ordinances were changed to reduce abuses.

In a number of countries, one of the most significant problems related to the abuse of women and children is the failure of the state to combat vigorously against conditions that engender the trafficking of women and children.

In Burma, women and girls from villages were trafficked for prostitution at truck stops, fishing villages, border towns, and mining and military camps. Burmese men, women and children are also trafficked to other countries. Government economic mismanagement and forced labor policies worsen the situation.

In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), women and girls are used as prostitutes and domestic servants, and young boys are exploited as camel jockeys. A recent documentary on camel jockeys notes the very young age at which abuse often begins, the harsh conditions that may lead to serious injuries or death, and the malnutrition, and physical and sexual abuse by employers. The Government has pledged and taken some measures of limited effectiveness against these practices.

State promotion of tourism drives the predatory interests that promote sex tourism and sexual exploitation of underage girls for prostitution in Cuba.

The booming oil sector in Equatorial Guinea contributes to making the country both a transit point and destination for trafficking of women for prostitution.

The estimates of the number of Indians trafficked into forced labor and the sex trade runs into the millions, in addition to thousands of Nepalis and Bangladeshis trafficked to India for sexual servitude. Trafficking in persons in India is a significant problem, and some government officials participated in and facilitated the practice. While India continues to lack a national law enforcement response to its trafficking in persons problem, some progress has been noted in individual states and the central government recently expressed a commitment to establishing and implementing a national anti-trafficking policy.

Violence and discrimination towards vulnerable groups continued to be a problem in Tanzania. In August, the semi-autonomous island of Zanzibar outlawed homosexuality and set severe penalties in its autonomous island territory. On mainland Tanzania, 4 million women and girls have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM), and despite a law partially outlawing the practice, police rarely enforced the law and the average age of the practice appeared to have decreased in an effort to avoid detection.

Worker rights:

In Iraq, the exercise of labor rights remained limited, largely due to violence, unemployment, and maladapted labor organizational structures and laws, although, with international assistance, some progress was underway at year’s end. According to the Brussels-based International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), workers reported organizing unions in workplaces where they were forbidden under the laws of the former regime and revitalized union structures previously dominated by the Ba’ath party. The International Labor Organization (ILO) provided technical assistance to Iraq throughout the year to help bring its labor laws into line with international labor standards, rebuild the capacity of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, establish emergency employment services, and put in place training and skills development programs.

In April, a Commission of Inquiry appointed under Article 26 of the ILO Constitution visited Belarus to investigate a complaint that the Government was systematically violating its obligations under the ILO’s fundamental Conventions on freedom of association and protection of the right to organize and bargain collectively, both of which it has ratified. The Commission’s report, issued in October, concluded that the country’s trade union movement was subject to significant government interference. The Commission recommended that the government take all necessary steps to register independent unions, amend laws and decrees restricting freedom of association, protect independent trade unionists from anti-union discrimination, and disseminate the Commission’s conclusions and recommendations. It stated that most of these recommendations should be implemented by June 2005 at the latest.

Under the leadership of President Bush the United States has stepped forward with its democratic allies to reaffirm our commitment to human rights and democracy. We rest upon the principle that nations governed by free people will be the cornerstone for the development of a world that is more peaceful for all. The execution of our democratic duty depends on the determination and passion of its promoters. Let the following Country Reports serve as an indicator of the progress made and as a guide for the challenges ahead.

PREDGOVOR

Izveštaji o stanju ljudskih prava po zemljama za 2004. godinu

Objavila Kancelarija za demokratiju, ljudska prava i rad

28. februar 2005.

U svom govoru prilikom druge inauguracije, predsednik Buš je ponovio rešenost Sjedinjenih Država da se bore za slobodu i ljudsko dostojanstvo u celom svetu:

Vitalni interesi Amerike i njena najdublja uverenja su poistovećeni. Još od osnivanja naše države, zastupali smo ideju da svaki čovek i svaka žena na ovom svetu ima prava, dostojanstvo i izuzetnu vrednost, zato što nose lik stvaraoca neba i zemlje. Iz generacije u generaciju zastupali smo ideju samouprave, zbog toga što nijedan čovek nije stvoren da bude gospodar, niti iko zaslužuje da bude rob. Zalaganje za napredak ovih ideala je misija koja je stvorila našu naciju. To je časno delo naših očeva, a sada je to hitan uslov bezbednosti naše nacije i zov našeg vremena.

Stoga je politika Sjedinjenih Država da zahteva i podržava razvoj demokratskih pokreta i demokratskih institucija kod svih naroda i kultura, a krajnji cilj je uništenje tiranije u svetu.

Naše izdanje Izveštaji o stanju ljudskih prava po zemljama iznosi osnovne ideje u okviru kojih Sjedinjene Države i druge zemlje sveta ocenjuju stanje ljudskih prava i vode borbu za njihovo unapređenje. Savesno prikupljanje ovih izveštaja pomaže nam da delotvornije ustanemo protiv ugnjetavanja i borimo se za ljudsko dostojanstvo i slobodu. Naši službenici iz ambasada i iz Vašingtona tesno sarađuju sa lokalnim stanovnicima, humanitarnim i sličnim organizacijama i rukovodstvima raznih zajednica, da bi identifikovali, ispitali i proverili informacije. Ova publikacija, koja se može dobiti na jezicima većine naroda sveta, podstiče diskusije, podržava zastupanje raznih ideja, omogućava ocenu napredovanja i ukazuje gde treba napraviti poboljšanja.

Tokom poslednjih 12 meseci, tesno smo sarađivali sa međunarodnom zajednicom da bismo omogućili zemljama, kao što su Gvatemala, Indonezija, Gana, Ukrajina i Avganistan, da izvrše uspešno prebrojavanje glasova pri izboru vlada. Osnovno pravo da se efikasno ostvari pravo glasa, otvara vrata unapređenju široke palete drugih prava, što se u ovim zemljama već pokazuje u praksi.

Ovo 28. izdanje Izveštaja po zemljama obrađuje 196 zemalja, počev od najupornijih branilaca ljudskog dostojanstva do najgorih kršilaca ljudskih prava. Mi vrlo ozbiljno shvatamo svoju odgovornost da informacije koje dajemo u svojim izveštajima budu što tačnije, što delikatnije i što pažljivije prezentirene.
Informacije sadržane u ovom izveštaju omogućavaju nam da napravimo strategiju za promovisanje slobode i individualnih sloboda. Sledećeg meseca objavićamo izveštaj o specijalnim merama koje smo preduzeli tokom prošle godine da bismo podržali ljudska prava i demokratiju.

Podsećajući na vredan rad i svestranu saradnju, kako u Stejt dipartmentu tako i van njega, na pripremanju ovih izveštaja, zadovoljstvo mi je da Kongresu Sjedinjenih Država predam Izveštaje o stanju ljudskih prava po zemljama za 2004. godinu u izdanju Stejt dipartmenta.

Kondoliza Rajs
Državni sekretar

Uvod

Izveštaji o stanju ljudskih prava po zemljama za u 2004. godinu

Objavila Kancelarija za demokratiju, ljudska prava i rad
28. februar 2005.

Predsednik Buš je 17. septembra 2002. godine predstavio novu strategiju Nacionalne bezbednosti Sjedinjenih Država, koja se zasniva na principu da se promovisanjem političkih i ekonomskih sloboda i poštovanjem ljudskog dostojanstva, izgradi bezbedniji i bolji svet. Da bi povela i usmerila snagu nacije koja je proistekla iz rata protiv terorizma, ova strategija postavila je niz osnovnih zadataka koje naša vlada, pored ostalih, treba da sprovede da bi postala glavni pobornik ostvarenja ljudskih prava i napretka demokratije. U svom govoru prilikom druge inauguracje 20. januara 2005. godine, predsednik Buš je podrobnije govorio o tom principu: ”Preživljavanje slobode u našoj zemlji zavisi od uspeha slobode u drugim zemljama. Najveća nada za mir u našem svetu je širenje slobode u celom svetu.”

Tokom 2004. godine Sjedinjene Države i njeni međunarodni partneri su radili sa mnogim zemljama na širenju slobode, na taj način što su im pomagali da zaštite politička prava njihovih građana i unaprede vladavinu prava u njihovim društvima. U nekoliko slučajeva, kada je postojala zabrinutost u vezi sa pravima naroda da biraju svoje vlade, došlo je do dramatičnih događaja koji su usmerili pažnju čitavog sveta na njihovu borbu i njihova dostignuća od odsudnog značaja.

U poslednje tri godine posle ukidanja talibanskog režima, afganistanski narod trudio se da smanji terorizam i poboljša bezbednost; da premosti tradicionalne etničke, verske i plemenske sukobe; da donese novi ustav u skladu sa svojim vrednostima i načinom života; da proširi fundamentalna prava žena i manjina i da otvori svoje društvo ka dotad nezamislivom političkom nadmetanju i slobodi izražavanja. Međunarodna zajednica uzvratila je pomažući im u registrovanju glasača širom geografski raštrkane i većinom nepismene populacije, obučavanjem afganistanskih kadrova i političkih učesnika kako da organizuju izbore i vode kampanje, kao i zajedničkim radom sa afganistanskim snagama na obezbeđivanju sigurnosti za vreme predizbornih priprema i tokom glasanja. Za vreme predsedničkih izbora, koji su održani u oktobru, 18 kandidata se borilo za glasove 10 miliona registrovanih Afganistanaca, od kojih su preko 40 % bile žene. Uprkos pretnjama i napadima pre glasanja i ozbiljnim tehničkim problemima, preko 8 miliona Afganistanaca – od kojih 3,2 miliona žena – glasalo je i po prvi put izabralo svog lidera na pravim demokratskim izborim, na kojima je većina izabrala predsednika Hamida Karzaia.

U Ukrajini je kampanja za predsedničke izbore bila narušena zbog pritiska koji je vlada vršila na opozicione kandidate, kao i zbog mnogobrojnih kršenja procedure i prevara za vreme glasanja. Za vreme predsedničkih izbora, vlada predsednika Kučme širila je laži i bavila se manipulacijama, kako u prvom tako i u drugom krugu glasanja 31. oktobra i 21. novembra. Vlada je cenzurisala medije i novinare u želji da utiče na njihovo pisanje, što je izazvalo takozvanu “novinarsku pobunu” reportera koji su odbili da slušaju naredbe vlade. Na kraju su narodne demonstracije protiv zvaničnih rezultata nameštenih novembarskih izbora postepeno dovele do “Narandžaste revolucije”, nazvane tako prema boji povezanoj sa vođom opozicije Viktorom Juščenkom, za koga je većina verovala da je pobedio na izborima.

Odlučujuća promena na bolje u domenu poštovanja ljudskih prava u Ukrajini dogodila se 3.decembra kada je Vrhovni sud te zemlje obesnažio drugi krug izbora kao netačan, prihvativši primedbe mnogih domaćih i međunarodnih monitora da je bilo mnogo prekršaja izborne procedure, napastvovanja opozicionih kandidata, krajnje pristrasnih prikaza u medijima pod kontrolom vlade, veliki broj lažnih glasova i mnogo netačnog prebrojavanja glasova. Na ponovljenim izborima, koji su po odredbi suda održani 26. decembra, narod Ukrajine izabrao je novog predsednika. Međunarodni posmatrači ovog glasanja, na kome je pobedio Juščenko, zapazili su poboljšanje u pisanju i prikazima medija, veću transparentnost glasačkog procesa, manjeg pritiska vlade u podržavanju određenog kandidata, kao i ređe ometanje na glasačkim mestima.

U Iraku se narod tokom priprema za izbor svog vođe demokratskim putem suočio sa mnogo teških zadataka, a surovost i neprestani teroristički napadi uvećali su dimenzije opasnosti. Savet iračke vlade pre svega je koncenzusom utvrdio sistem za ponovno vraćanje suvereniteta vlastima Iraka pod zaštitom vladavine prava, i jasno odredio procedure po kojima građani Iraka treba da izaberu vlast i izgrade svoj ustavni poredak. Donošenjem Tranzicionog administrativnog zakona (TAL) u martu, ovi uslovi su ostvareni i utrt je put za drugi korak: prenošenje suvereniteta sa Koalicione privremene vlasti na Privremenu vladu Iraka (IIG), što se i dogodilo 28. juna.

Uz pomoć Ujedinjenih nacija i drugih međunarodnih savetnika, IIG je osnovala Nezavisnu izbornu komisiju Iraka, jedno nezavisno izborno telo sa polugama vlasti, koje je ustanovilo proceduru za registraciju i glasanje Iračana u zemlji, kao i Iračana koji su živeli u izgnanstvu u 14 raznih zemalja. Između 15. i 18. avgusta održana je Nacionalna konferencija, na kojoj je izabran Privremeni nacionalni savet od 100 članova. Izbori za Tranzicionu Narodnu skupštinu, zakonodavnu vlast zemlje, i prvi korak ka formiranju Tranzicione vlade Iraka, zakazani su za 30. januar 2005. godine. Po odredbama TAL-a, tranziciona vlada pripremiće nacrt stalnog ustava koji treba da bude ratifikovan 5. avgusta 2005, a novi izbori za stalnu vladu treba prema Ustavu da se održe decembra 2005.

Uvereni smo da će ovi izbori povećati izglede za mir, postaviti solidnu osnovu za samoupravu u ovim zemljama i pomoći da se stvori pokretačka snaga koja će dovesti do poboljšanja stanja ljudskih prava svih ljudi koji na njima učestvuju. Ipak, napredak na ovom putu neće biti ni lak ni brz, barem ne u početku, kao što to pokazuje naših 196 izveštaja iznetih u ovom izdanju. U nekim slučajevima ovi izveštaji će možda pokazati da se stanje ljudskih prava čak i pogoršalo, uprkos uspešnom okončanju međunarodno priznatih izbora, kao što se to u izvesnom smislu desilo u sudstvu i medijima u Venecueli posle izbora prošle godine.

Na taj se način delimično priznaje da je unapređivanje ljudskih prava komplikovan i težak zadatak, što je 1977. i dovelo do toga da Američki kongres zakonski ustanovi proceduru po kojoj Stejt dipartment jednom godišnje izdaje Izveštaje o stanju ljudskih prava u raznim zemljama. Predajući ovo svedočanstvo svetskom iskustvu ljudskih prava, nadamo se da će činjenice iznete u ovoj knjizi koja se stalno piše, pomoći da se spoznaju kako budući zadaci, tako i mogućnosti za bolju saradnju u postizanju ciljeva Univerzalne deklaracije ljudskih prava.

Godina koja se ocenjuje: Demokratija, ljudska prava i rad

U našem detaljnom prikazu stanja ljudskih prava u 196 zemalja, na stranicama koje slede, neki događaji i iskustva nekih zemalja više su istaknuti, ne samo zbog velikih problema sa ljudskim pravima, već i zbog našeg učešća u pomoći žrtvama i njihovim vladama u toku 2004. godine.

Učinak sudanske vlade na polju ljudskih prava i dalje je veoma loš, zbog toga što ta vlada nastavlja da ograničava slobodu govora, štampe, okupljanja, udruživanja, religije i kretanja. Ta vlada je hapsila i maltretirala ljude koji su ova prava koristili.

Na kraju godine, u sudanskoj provinciji Darfur, bilo je 1,5 miliona lokalno raseljenih lica (IDP), a još 200.000 civila izbeglo je u Čad, gde je Visoki komesarijat za izbeglice Ujedinjenih nacija (UNHCR) koordinirao masovnim dobavljanjem pomoći za izbeglice. Prema izveštajima, zbog nasilja i nasilnog raseljavanja, umrlo je oko 70.000 ljudi.
Uprkos ponovljenoj tvrdnji vlade da će se uzdržati od nasilja u Darfuru, nastavljeno je sa zlodelima. Vlada i milicija koju podržava, poznata kao Đinđavid, neprestano su napadale sela sa civilnim stanovništvom. Obično bi pripadnici Đinđavida, zajedno sa regularnim snagama vlade, napadali pod zaštitom avijacije. Pošto je podrobno proučio detaljni izveštaj nezavisnih eksperata koji su vršili istraživanje o iskustvima preko 1.000 izbeglica, Državni sekretar Kolin Pauel zaključio je u septembru da je izvršen genocid nad stanovnicima Darfura, i izjavio: “U Darfuru je izvršen genocid i vlada Sudana i Đinđavid za to snose odgovornost, a genocid se možda i dalje nastavlja.”

U toku svojih ofanzivnih operacija vladine snage namerno su i rutinski u tom kraju ubijale i ranjavale ljude, isterivale civile iz njihovih domova i sela, uništavale bolnice i naseobine. Postoje provereni izveštaji da milicija bliska vladi namerno napada civile, otima njihovu imovinu i uništava sela.

U isto vreme, pregovori o sukobu sever-jug do kojih je došlo krajem godine, probudili su nade da će doći do mira i boljeg tretmana ljudskih prava u drugim delovima Sudana. Do kraja godine Stejt dipartment je zapazio značajni napredak u preliminarnim dogovorima između vlade i Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Sudana, posle dvadesetjednogodišnjeg sukoba niskog intenziteta.

Reagujući na neprestane brutalnosti i represivne mere protiv naroda u Demokratskoj Narodnoj Republici Koreji (Severna Koreja), Sjedinjene Države donele su 2004. godine Zakon o ljudskim pravima u Severnoj Koreji. Zakon zahteva da se obrati pažnja na ozbiljnu situaciju u vezi sa ljudskim pravima u Severnoj Korejii, da se pospeši trajno rešavanje statusa severnokorejskih izbeglica, da se omogući transparentnost doturanja humanitane pomoći, slobodan protok informacija i sprovede mirno ujedinjenje Korejskog poluostrva.

U Belorusiji se nastavlja zlostavljanje i povremeno mučenje zatvorenika i pritvorenih od strane policije. Snage bezbednosti proizvoljno hapse i pritvaraju građane iz političkih razloga; osim toga, pojedini ljudi izvedeni su na sud i osuđeni na zatvorske kazne zbog takvih političkih zločina kao što je “kleveta” državnika, koja je često samo kritika njihove politike. Beloruska vlada uporno je umanjivala značaj proverenih izveštaja u kojima se tvrdilo da su njeni predstavnici imali udela u nestanku jednog poznatog novinara i nekoliko poznatih opozicionara, i da nije sprovela punu, transparentnu istragu o ovim nestancima. Umesto toga, vlada je na mesto šefa Predsedničke administracije postavila Viktora Šejmana, koji je prema verodostojnom izveštaju Saveta Evrope bio povezan sa nestancima.

U Burmi je Hunta vladala dekretima i nisu postojali nikakvi ustavni propisi koji bi je obavezivali da građanima obezbedi osnovna prava. Snage bezbednosti ubijale su bez suda. Osim toga, ljudi su i dalje nestajali, a pripadnici snaga bezbednosti silovali su, mučili, tukli i na druge načine maltretirali zatvorenike i pritvorene. Proizvoljna hapšenja bila su učestala, a ljudi u pritvoru držani su u izolaciji. Snage bezbednosti redovno su kršile pravo građana na privatnost, nasilno premeštale stanovnike i regrutovale decu.

Vlada Irana odgovorna je za mnogobrojna ubistva koja su izvršena tokom ove godine, uključujući i izvršenja smrtne kazne posle nepropisnih suđenja. Osim toga, vršena su proizvoljna hapšenja, ljudi su dugo zadržavani u pritvoru i izolaciji, zatvori su bili loši i pretrpani, nije se moglo doći do advokata, izvršavane su kazne bičevanjem i narušavana privatnost građana.

Što se tiče Kine, u toku 2004. godine njena kooperativnost i napredak u domenu ljudskih prava bili su razočaravajući. Kina nije ispunila mnoge obaveze koje je obećala da će ispuniti u toku američko-kineskih razgovora o ljudskim pravima 2002. godine. Međutim, krajem godine obnovljene su radne diskusije o ljudskim pravima, koje su bile obustavljene kada su Sjedinjene Države podržale rezoluciju o tretmanu ljudskih prava u Kini u Komisiji Ujedinjenih Nacija o ljudskim pravima (UNHCR). U toku 2004. godine vlada je nastavila da hapsi i pritvara aktiviste sledećih profila: pojedince koji su slobodno vodili razgovore preko Interneta, advokate koji su se javno zalagali za disidente i ljude kojima je oduzeta imovina, aktiviste koji su se bavili problemima HIV-a i AIDs-a, novinare koji su pisali o SARS-u, intelektualce koji su iznosili svoje političke stavove, ljude koji su išli u crkve u privatnim kućama i radnike koji su protestima zahtevali svoja prava. U kineskim zatvorima nastavilo se sa zlostavljanjem. Vlada je nastavila svoj napad na duhovni pokret Falun Gong i desetine hiljada pripadnika tog pokreta bili su bačeni u zatvor, nelegalne radne logore za prevaspitavanje, ili psihijatrijske ustanove. Kineski Narodni kongres dopunio je Ustav amandmanom o zaštiti ljudskih prava, ne stavivši pritom jasno do znanja u kojoj meri će kineska vlada primenjivati taj amandman.

U Saudijskoj Arabiji došlo je do pozitivnih pomaka u nekim oblastima, u koje spada konferencija pod pokroviteljstvom vlade o pravima i obavezama žena i formiranje prve zvanične organizacije za ljudska prava u tom kraljevstvu. Oktobra meseca vlada je izdala izvršnu uredbu kojom je odobrila da oni koji duže borave u toj zemlji mogu da zatraže državljanstvo, a do kraja godine uveliko je počela registracija glasača i kandidata (iako samo muškaraca) za izbore koji su održani u februaru 2005.

Međutim, broj zloupotreba i kršenja ljudskih prava u Saudijskoj Arabiji ipak u velikoj meri nadmašuje napredak u pozitivnom pravcu. Postoje verodostojni izveštaji da bezbednjaci muče i maltretiraju zatvorenike, hapse svojevoljno i drže ljude u pritvoru u izolaciji. Verska policija nastavila je da zastrašuje, maltretira i pritvara građane i strance. Većina sudskih procesa bila je zatvorena za javnost, a često se dešavalo da se optuženi pojave na sudu bez advokata. Snage bezbednosti hapsile su i pritvarale reformatore. Vlada je nastavila da ograničava slobodu govora i štampe, slobodu okupljanja, udruživanja i kretanja, a postoje i svedočanstva da je vlada kršila pravo pojedinaca na privatnost. Nastavljeno je nasilje i diskriminacija žena, nasilje nad decom, diskriminacija etničkih i verskih manjina, i striktno ograničavanje prava radnika.

Za razliku od promena u izvesnim zemljama, gde je direktna građanska kontrola nad vlašću povećana, u Rusiji su promene zakona o parlamentarnim izborima i uvođenje naimenovanja umesto biranja pokrajinskih guvernera, dovele do daljeg jačanja izvršne vlasti. Osim toga, veće restrikcije nad medijima, popustljiva Duma (parlament), nepravilnosti za vreme nedavnih opštih izbora, korupcija u policiji i politički pritisak na sudstvo, izazvali su zabrinutost zbog erozije odgovornosti vlade. Uprkos značajnim zakonodavnim zabranama, povećalo se nasilje iz rasističkih razloga i diskriminacija. Po pitanju manjina, vlasti nisu izvršile istragu prekršaja protiv njih, a s druge strane podvrgle su ih češćim proverama dokumenata, da bi ih deportovale iz urbanih centara, uz prekomerno kažnjavanje i češće pritvaranje. Vladine ustanove za zaštitu ljudskih prava relativno su slabe.

Vlada Zimbabvea sprovela je sveobuhvatnu kampanju nasilja, represije i zastrašivanja. Ova kampanja odlikovala se potpunim nepoštovanjem ljudskih prava, vladavine zakona i dobrobiti građana Zimababvea. Nad političkim protivnicima i borcima za ljudska prava vršene su torture raznim metodama. Ratni veterani, omladinske brigade i policajci permanentno su vršili brutalne napade na političke neprijatelje. Mugabeov režim ustremio se i na druge institucije vlasti, kao što su sudstvo i policija. Sudije su zlostavljane dok se ne bi potčinile vlasti ili dale ostavku, a onda bi ih zamenili Mugabeovi poslušnici. Mediji su bili organičavani i ukidani, a novinari zatvarani i tučeni. Nastavljeno je sa otimanjem zemlje kao oruđem za sprovođenje političkog i društvenog ugnjetavanja, a protivnici ove destruktivne politike podvrgavani su nasilnim represalijama.

U toku 2004. godine u Venecueli je poštovanje ljudskih prava i dalje bilo na niskom nivou, uprkos pobedi vlade na referendumu u avgustu mesecu kada je predsednik Čavez opozvan. Protivnici su tvrdili da je čitav proces bio lažan, ali su Organizacija američkih država (OAS) i posmatrači iz Karterovog centra ustanovili da zvanični rezultati »odražavaju volju glasačkog tela.« Tokom cele godine, vlada je pojačavala kontrolu nad sudstvom i sve više se mešala u upravljanje pravosuđem. Nevladine organizacije (NGO) bile su izložene pretnjama i zastrašivanju od strane vladinih pristalica. Decembra meseca zakonodavstvo je donelo zakone koji su narušili slobodu medija, slobodu govora i doveli do toga da kritika vlasti postane krivično delo. Vlada Sjedinjenih Država sankcionisala je vladu Venecuele zbog toga što nije uspela da se izbori sa trgovinom ljudima.

Fidel Kastro dodao je još jednu godinu svome učinku diktatora sa najdužim stažom u svetu. Vlada je zadržala svoj stav odbojnosti prema svim demokratskim procesima i nastavila da maltretra i zastrašuje pro-demokratske aktiviste, disidente, novinare i druge profesionalce i radnike koji žele da se bave ekonomijom bez kontrole države. Većina od 75 disidenata koji su osuđeni na duge zatvorske kazne 2003. godine, ostala je u zatvoru uprkos protestima međunarodne zajednice. Vlasti su uhapsile još 22 pobornika ljudskih prava i osudile ih za dela, kakvo je na primer »prezir prema vlasti«. Bavljenje zloupotrebama na Kubi i dalje je prioritetni zadatak Sjedinjenih Država kao člana UNHCR-a.

Na zasedanju UNHCR-a 2004. godine zvanično su po drugi put usvojene rezolucija o Kubi, koju su inicirale Sjedinjene Države i rezolucije o Turkmenistanu, Severnoj Koreji i Belorusiji. Rezolucija o Burmi usvojena je koncenzusom. Zbog toga što u svojim redovima ima članove koji ne štite ljudska prava svojih građana, a to su Zimbabve, Kuba, Sudan i Kina, sednica UNHCR-a za 2004. godinu nije uspela u nekoliko vidova. Komisija nije uspela da usvoji rezoluciju o stanju ljudskih prava u Kini, Zimbabveu i Čečeniji. Sjedinjene Države nastavile su da ističu potrebu da se poboljša funkcionisanje Komisije, posebno podržavajući uključivanje u komisiju više zemalja sa pozitivnim učinkom u domenu ljudskih prava.

Sjedinjene Države veruju da ima više izgleda da će demokratski izabrane vlade poštovati ljudska prava svojih građana. Iz tog razloga, Sjedinjene Države su sarađivale sa drugim zemljama učesnicama Zajednice demokratija (CD), grupom demokratskih zemalja koje zajedno rade na promovisanju, učvršćivanju i unapređenju demokratije u celom svetu. Sjedinjene Države su se 2004. godine pridružile zemljama članicama CD-a u radu na formiranju demokratskog kružoka, tj. grupe zemalja sličnih stavova, koje bolje koordiniraju unutar UNHCR-a i drugih grupacija u UN-u, da bi ostvarile ciljeve demokratskih vrednosti. Zajedno sa Peruom, Rumunijom i Istočnim Timorom, Sjedinjene Države predložile su i postigle da se u UNHCR-u usvoji rezolucija koja će ojačati ulogu UN-a u promovisanju demokratije. Jedna od preporuka te rezolucije je poziv na uspostavljanje mehanizma, takozvane »Centralne tačke« unutar Kancelarije Visokog komesarijata za ljudska prava, koji će pomagati novim i tek nastajućim demokratijama da lakše dođu do sredstava u UN-u koja su im potrebna.

Osim potpore u formiranju demokratskog kružoka UN-a, CD želi da projektima koji povezuju demokratske zemlje, podrži razvoj demokratskih institucija i vrednosti. CD je u Istočni Timor poslao višenacionalnu delegaciju poslenika demokratije da prenesu svoja najbolja iskustva i znanje državnim funkcionerima Timora. Takođe je jedna grupa Iračana - budućih organizatora izbora u toj državi, boravila u Litvaniji da bi posmatrala izbore i stekla znanja o izbornim procesima. Ujedinjavanje demokratskih snaga u borbi protiv kršenja osnovnih ljudskih prava, prava koja su utvrđena Opštom deklaracijom o ljudskim pravima i potvrđena Varšavskom deklaracijom CD-a i Seulskim akcionim planom, najbolji je način da se održava pritisak na vlade koje uskraćuju i krše prava svojih građana.

Institucionalne promene:

U Kataru je nastavljen proces ustavnih promena, pošto je Emir odobrio nacrt novog ustava, koji su glasači velikom većinom podržali 2003. godine. Iako će Emirova porodica nastaviti da vlada po naslednom pravu, novi ustav, koji treba da stupi na snagu u junu 2005. godine, sadržaće nekoliko propisa koji se odnose na ljudska prava.

U Pakistanu predsednik Mušaraf i dalje je šef generalštaba, iako je obećao da će to mesto napustiti do kraja godine.

U Africi je Centralna Afrička Republika (CAR) donela novi ustav i preduzela još nekoliko koraka da pospeši najavljenu tranziciju ka demokratiji, pod predsednikom Bozizeom, koji je prigrabio vlast marta 2003. izvršivši državni udar. U Gvineji-Bisao posle vojnog udara septembra 2003. godine, vojska je ustanovila civilnu vlast. U oba slučaja, sa stabilizovanjem situacije posle udara, smanjio se i broj kršenja ljudskih prava.

U želji da ispuni Evropske kriterijume iz Kopenhagena, da bi otpočela proces pristupanja Evropskoj uniji, turska vlada je izglasala vrlo važan paket reformi, koji se sastoji od novog, relativno liberalnijeg krivičnog zakona i izvesnog broja ustavnih amandmana koji suzbijaju ubistva i mučenja iz časti, omogućavaju veće slobode veroispovesti, izražavanja i udruživanja, i smanjenja uloge vojske u vladi. Međutim, kasni se sa sprovođenjem ovih reformi. Snage bezbednosti nastavljaju da čine mnogobrojna zlodela, tj. da muče, tuku i proizvoljno hapse i pritvaraju građane. Iako su posmatrači primetili da se broj tih zloupotreba smanjio, Evropski komitet za prevenciju torture izvestio je da lokalne vlasti čine napore da se usaglase sa politikom vlade koja apsolutno ne toleriše torturu. Ubistva iz časti se nastavljaju. Vlada je smanjila restrikcije u vezi sa upotrebom kurdskog i drugih jezika, ali su restrikcije nad slobodom govora i štampe ostale na snazi.

U toku 2004. godine neke vlade pojačale su borbu protiv korupcije. Kostarika je u tom pogledu bila najambicioznija, jer je izvršila istragu protiv bivših visokih funkcionera, sprovevši posebne istrage protiv trojice bivših predsednika u vezi sa zloupotrebom finansija, reketiranjem i sklapanjem nezakonitih ugovora. U Africi se kampanja protiv korupcije usredsredila na finansijske zloupotrebe i kršenja ljudskih prava od strane državnih funkcionera. Da bi povratio međunarodni kredibilitet, predsednik Gambije Džameh sproveo je kampanju suzbijanja korucije među državnim funkcionerima, a nalazi Istražne komisije doveli su do otpuštanja izvesnog broja najviših funkcionera i krivičnih gonjenja zbog privrednog kriminala. Kenija je naimenovala anti-korupcijskog cara, a njena vlada je pokrenula nekoliko istraga u vezi sa navodnim nezakonitim ubistvima. U Zambiji, Policijska žalbena komisija, koja je osnovana 2003. godine da bi se borila protiv zloupotreba policije, nastavila je da ispituje podnete žalbe.

Politička prava:

Sa izuzetkom Gruzije i Ukrajine, razvoj situacije u Evroaziji nažalost je i dalje vrlo zabrinjavajući. Napedak se i dalje meri uglavnom na osnovu onoga što se dešava u okviru civilnog društva. Sve više NGO-a, opozicionih partija i građana želi da se organizuje i da zahteva odgovornost vlade. U Turkmenistanu i Uzbekistanu opozicione partije ne mogu da se registruju. U isto vreme, vlade sa tog područja izvlače pogrešnu pouku iz primera Ukrajine i Gruzije i pokušavaju da uguše civilno društvo maltretirajući nevladine organizacije na taj način što postavljaju birokratske barijere i tobožnje zakonske prepreke.

U Gruziji je napredak, koji su međunarodni posmatrači zapazili prošlog januara, pripremio uslove za martovske parlamentarne »najdemokratskije izbore u istoriji Gruzije«. Donošenjem novih izbornih zakona, druge vlade tog regiona napravile su izvestan napredak ka poboljšanju izbornog procesa. Novi izborni zakoni koji su donešeni u Kazahstanu, Kirgistanu i Tadžikistanu, pokazuju napredak u nekim oblastima, ali u sve tri zemlje ti zakoni i dalje ne ispunjavaju međunarodne standarde. Isto tako, izbori u Kazahstanu i Kirgistanu 2004. godine, pokazali su izvesna poboljšanja u odnosu na prethodne izbore, ali su domaći i međunarodni posmatrači uočili i zabeležili nepravilnosti pri glasanju, zloupotrebu ili maltretiranje opozicionih kandidata i neujednačen pristup medijima.

U Belorusiji, vlada je i dalje građanima uskraćivala pravo da promene vlast kroz demokratski politički proces. Organizovan je veoma neregularan referendum 17. oktobra kojim je skinuto ustavno ograničenje predsedničkog mandata. Pre tog referenduma i pre podjednako nepravilnih parlamentarnih izbora, koji su održani u isto vreme, vlada je ukinula nezavisne medije i diskvalifikovala mnoge kandidate za parlament. Vlada je koristila preteranu silu, a u nekim slučajevima i tukla i hapsila političke lidere koji su mirno protestovali protiv izborne krađe, kao i novinare koji su o protestima pisali. U toku godine, vlada je takođe zatvorila nekoliko značajnih već registrovanih NGO-a koji su se bavili političkim pravima, a državna bezbednost pojačala je maltretiranje preostalih organizacija te vrste.

U oktobru, prvi put posle Dejtonskog sporazuma u Bosni i Hercegovini održani su samostalni opštinski izbori. Konstatovano je da su izbori održani po međunarodnim demokratskim standardima.

Veoma visok odziv glasača na tri vrste izbora u Indoneziji omogućio je da politička vlast iz ruku poraženog lidera pređe u ruke izabranog opozicionog lidera. Tom prilikom poraženi su kandidati vojske i policije koji se se borili za mesto u parlamentu.

Na značajnim izborima u Africi, vladajuće partije u Gani i Mozambiku ponovo su izabrane na uglavnom slobodan i fer način. U Sjera Leoneu održani su prvi izbori za lokalnu vlast posle 32 godine, mada je na njima bilo nepravilnosti u izvesnim sferama.

U Burundiju je sa zabrinutošću primećeno kašnjenje u organizovanju izbora, kao i zastoj u procesu tranzicije ka demokratiji u ovoj zemlji. Prelazna vlada nije održala lokalne i nacionalne izbore, kako je to propisano Aruškim sporazumom o miru i pomirenju, a krajem godine, vlada je na neodređeno vreme odložila referendum o nacrtu ustava. Zbog Maoističkog ustanka i nerešenih odnosa među političkim partijama, u Nepalu nije došlo do održavanja izbora, što je dovelo do produbljivanja političke krize u toj zemlji.

Već veoma ograničena politička prava u Ruandi, još više su smanjena kada su vodeće organizacije za ljudska prava ili zatvorene, ili efikasno onesposobljene. Kao opravdanje za tu akciju poslužila je borba protiv »divizionizma«, koja se zasnivala na izveštaju vlade koji optužuje grupe za ljudska prava, novinare, nastavnike i crkvu za propagiranje »ideologije genocida«.

U Iranu je vlada i dalje nastavila da sve manje poštuje slobode i učešće građana u politici. Izbori za 290 poslaničkih mesta u Majlisu (parlamentu), uglavnom su ocenjeni kao neslobodni i nefer. Konzervativni, klerikalno obojeni Starateljski savet praktično je isključio sve reformatorske kandidate, uključujući i 85 članova tadašnjeg parlamenta. Među ostalim razlozima za isključenje navedeno je i to da ti kandidati nisu »pokazivali poslušnost« prema sadašnjem sistemu vlasti. Kao rezultat tih veoma nezakonitih izbora, reformatorsko krilo u parlamentu postalo je manjina. U međuvremenu se nastavlja odmazda konzervativaca protiv reformatorskih tendencija i partija.

Unutrašnji i drugi sukobi:

Komisija za istinu i pomirenje u Sjera Leoneu okončala je javna saslušanja u kojima je učestvovalo 10.000 građana, koji su u javnost izneli pritužbe žrtava i svedočanstva o građanskom ratu. Komisija je vladi predložila da se izvrše zakonske, političke i administrativne reforme. Osim toga, vlada je demobilisala veliki broj dece koja su se borila kao vojnici. Do kraja godine Misija UN-a u Sjera Leoneu (UNAMSIL) predala je širom zemlje vlast oružanim snagama i policiji Sjera Leonea, pošto je UNAMSIL otpočeo pripreme za svoje povlačenje u junu 2005. godine, kako je i regulisano mandatom Saveta bezbednosti.

Pošto je izabran u drugom krugu glasanja krajem 2003. godine, predsednik Gvatemale Oskar Berger »oživeo« je Mirovni sporazum iz 1996.godine proglasivši ga za nacionalni program i simbolično se izvinio građanima u ime države zbog kršenja ljudskih prava tokom dugog građanskog rata u zemlji. Vlada je takođe smanjila broj vojnika u armiji, ukinula neke od glavnih komandi i jedinica, i smanjila vojni budžet. Avgusta meseca vojska je objavila svoju novu doktrinu, koja uključuje odredbe o značaju zaštite ljudskih prava.

Kao rezultat pregovora koji su trajali čitave godine, vlada Kolumbije demobilisala je u novembru i decembru 3.000 boraca iz paravojnih Ujedinjenih snaga samoodrbane Kolumbije (AUC). Pored toga, na stotine opštinskih funkcionera vratilo se u svoje gradove pošto je vlada obezbedila stalno prisustvo policije u svim urbanim centrima u zemlji. Kao rezultat toga, smanjio se broj ubistava, kidnapovanja i drugih nasilnih zločina.
Na Haitiju je tokom cele godine nastavljen unutrašnji sukob. Politički ćorsokak kombinovan sa sve većim nasiljem između pro i anti Aristidovih frakcija kulminirao je 29. februara, kada je predsednik Aristid predao ostavku i napustio zemlju. Uprkos prisustvu mirovnih snaga Ujedinjenih nacija, prelazna vlada, oformljena ustavnim putem, i dalje je bila slaba. U septembru su partizanske jedinice bliske Aristidu krenule na Port-o-Prens, u kampanju destabilizacije i nasilja nazvanu »Operacija Bagdad«. U toku kampanje vršila su se kidnapovanja, odsecale glave i spaljivali policijski funkcioneri i civili, pucalo se nasumice, a državna i privatna imovina uništavana je i spaljivana. Nasilje je zaustavilo normalno funkcionisanje škola, javnih pijaca, luka i pravnog sistema u Port-o-Prensu, koji nisu radili nekoliko nedelja .

Niz sukoba nastavio je da potresa Južnu Aziju. U Jamuu i Kašmiru i severoistočnim državama Indije nastavljeno je nasilje i snage bezbednosti nekažnjeno su vršile nedela, ubijajući ne samo naoružane borce već i civile. U Sri Lanki obe sukobljene strane, i vladine snage i teroristička organizacija Tigrova oslobodilaca tamilskog elama, kršile su primirje. U Nepalu veliki problem predstavlja stalno nestajanje osoba u pritvoru, a snage državne bezbednosti i dalje imaju široka ovlašćenja da hapse i pritvaraju osobe koje su pod sumnjom da su simpatizeri maoistiških pobunjenika. Snage državne bezbednosti primenjivale su samovoljno ubilačku i nezakonitu silu. Kako se maoistički ustanak nastavljao, pobunjenici su sve više mučili civile, a vladini agenti nasilno mobilisali decu i izvodili bombaške napade u kojima su ginuli civili.

Oblast Velikih Jezera u centralnoj Africi, koja obuhvata Demokratsku Republiku Kongo (DRC), Ruandu, Burundi i Ugandu, izmučena je već više od jedne decenije građanskim ratovima i velikim međuetničkim sukobima u kojima ima mnogo kršenja ljudskih prava. To se dešava zbog stalnog prisustva naoružanih grupa i milicija koje krstare po tim zemljama. Ove se grupe bore između sebe za strateške i prirodne resurse, a savezi među njima veoma su promenljive prirode. Najopasnije među tim grupama su one iz istočnog Konga, koje su našle utočište u toj oblasti posle genocida u Ruandi 1994. godine. Ista grupa i dalje se bori protiv vlade Ruande, a vodi borbe i van granica te zemlje, napadajući civile u DRC i čineći nebrojena zverstva. U toj oblasti postoje i naoružane grupe koje se bore protiv vlada i mirovnih procesa u Ugandi i Burundiju.

Iako u oblasti Velikih Jezera postoje dobri izgledi za mir, kršenje ljudskih prava tamo je skoro rutinski posao. Deca su najčešće žrtve, jer se nasilno regrutuju, otimaju i pretvaraju u vojnike, iako su neke vlade napravile napredak i demobilisale decu vojnike. Neke milicije sastoje se pretežno od dece. Žene i devojke su naročito ranjive, jer se silovanje sve više koristi kao ratno oružje. U ovoj oblasti obitava otprilike 5 miliona od 25 miliona lokalno raseljenih lica, a tu se nalazi i zvestan broj izbeglica. Sjedinjene Države aktivno podržavaju razgovore izmežu DRC, Ugande i Ruande. Mi nastavljamo da pratimo situaciju u svim zemljama tog regiona, obraćajući specijalnu pažnju na opasnost od naoružanih grupa.
U Obali Slonovače jedan napad na položaje pobunjenika i vazdušni napad francuskih mirovnih trupa, doveli su do ukidanja 18-mesečnog prekida vatre između vlade i pobunjenika. Uprkos embargu i pretnji sankcijama, vlada je zapretila da će se okrenuti vojnom rešenju sukoba. Predsednik Buš ustanovio je da Obala Slonovače, koja je nekad bila jedan od najjačih trgovinskih partnera Sjedinjenih Država posredstvom zakona o Razvoju i mogućnostima Afrike (AGOA), ove godine ne može da bude učesnik AGOA jer je postala opasna za strane ulagače, zbog problema sa bezbednosnom situacijom i opšteg propadanja vladavine prava.

U Rusiji septembarski napad na školu u Beslanu u Severnoj Osetiji i stalni nestanci civila pritvorenih od strane državne bezbednosti, jasno su pokazali u kojoj meri obe strane u rastućem sukobu na Severnom Kavkazu i dalje veoma malo obraćaju pažnju na osnovna ljudska prava. Postoje verodostojni izveštaji o teškom nasilju, uključujući i politički motivisane nestanke i nezakonito ubijanje, koje vrši vlada i čečenski pobunjenici. Takođe se stalno napadaju ljudi koji traže odgovornost za te zločine, dok čečenski pobunjenici nastavljaju da napadaju ruske civile. Jedan od takvih napada je eksplozija bombe u moskovskoj podzemnoj željeznici.

Integritet ličnosti

Posle sporne situacije koja je trajala godinama, Vrhovni sud Čilea podržao je odluku apelacionog suda da ukine imunitet predsedniku Avgustu Pinočeu. Nadležni sudija je 13. decembra optužio Pinočea za zločine izvršene 70-tih godina u okviru »Operacije Kondor«.

Pošto se u Centralnoafričkoj Republici nastavlja proces tranzicije ka građanskoj vlasti, vlada je raspustila vojnu obaveštajnu jedinicu zvanu Bezbednosno istražno odeljenje, koja je bila optužena da je tokom 2003. godina vršila mnogobrojna kršenja ljudskih prava, kao što su mučenja, silovanja i iznuđivanja. Decembra 2003. predsednik Bozize ponovno je sazvao stalni vojni sud posle osam godina suspenzije. Sud je razmotrio veliki broj navodnih slučajeva kršenja ljudskih prava, među kojima su bila ubijanja bez suda, silovanja i oružane pljačke.

U Severnoj Koreji i dalje vlada jedan od najrepresivnijih režima u svetu. Procenjuje sa da ima 150 do 200.000 političkih zatvorenika u kaznenim logorima koji se nalaze u zabačenim krajevima, a oni koji su pobegli tvrde da su u zatvorima mnogi zatočenici poumirali od toture, gladi, bolesti, napuštenosti, ili kombinacije nekoliko takvih nedaća. Režim takođe drži strogu kontrolu nad stanovništvom, kontrolišući mnoge aspekte ljudskih života.

U Egiptu je 2003. godine na još tri godine produžen Urgentni zakon iz 1981, koji ograničava mnoga osnovna prava. Snage državne bezbednosti nastavile su da maltretiraju i muče zatvorenike, što je dovelo do deset smrtnih slučajeva u zatvorima, ili prilikom pritvora u policijskim stanicama. Poseban problem predstavljaju proizvoljna hapšenja i pritvaranja ljudi, kao i produžavanje pritvora pre suđenja. I dalje su uslovi u zatvorima strašni. U Siriji je došlo do 8 smrtnih slučajeva zbog veoma čestih tortura od strane sirijske vlade. I dalje istrajava praksa proizvoljnih hapšenja i pritvaranja, produženog držanja u pritvoru bez suđenja, krajnje nepravednih sudskih pocesa u bezbednosnim sudovima, i sve gorih uslova u zatvorima. Tokom godine, službe bezbednosti vršile su masovna hapšenja Kurda u provinciji Hasakeh, Alepu, Damasku i drugim delovima zemlje. U Kamišliju, u seveoistočnoj provinciji Hasakeh su 12. marta snage bezbednosti otvorile vatru za vreme fudbalske utakmice kada su izbili sukobi između arapskih i kurdskih navijača. Posle toga, usledili su nemiri u kojima je ubijeno na desetine ljudi, čak 2.000 Kurda je pritvoreno, a u zatvoru je ostalo 300 Kurda koji su do kraja godine čekali na suđenje pred Državnim bezbednosnim sudom i Vojnim sudom. Vlada je takođe nastavila da uskraćuje informacije o zdravstvenom stanju i mestu boravka ljudi koji su godinama držani u samicama.

U Uzbekistanu je nastavljano sa torturama u zatvorima, pritvornim jedinicama i lokalnim policijskim stanicama i postajama službe bezbednosti, a pripadnici snaga državne bezbednosti, verodostojno optuženi za zlostavljanje, retko su bivali kažnjeni. Vlada je, međutim, preduzela značajne korake u pravcu sputavanja torture i utvrđivanja odgovornosti policije. U nekim odeljenjima Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova, vlada je inicirala preliminarne procedure da bi se ispitali i na odgovornost pozvali neki policijski službenici koji su kršili ljudska prava. Takođe je nevladinim organizacijama dozvoljen pristup u zatvore i omogućeno da obučavaju zatvorske stražare o tretmanu ljudskih prava. Vlada je isto tako sarađivala sa međunarodnim forenzičarima kojima je odobreno da učestvuju u istragama o smrtnim slučajevima nastalim kao posledica navodne torture za vreme pritvora.

Sloboda štampe:

U Iranu se odmazda konzervativnih snaga protiv demokratskih težnji proširila na izvesne oblasti koje su van domena čisto političkih prava. Na primer, u toku 2004. godine stagnirala je istraga o smrti kanadsko-iranskog fotografa koji je umro zbog krvarenja u mozgu, nastalog posle zadobijenih povreda u iranskom zatvoru. Vlada je takođe postepeno ugušila sve nezavisne domaće medije i uhapsila, ili zastrašivanjem ućutkala njihove novinare. Poslednji forum za slobodne diskusije, "weblogs", izložen je 2004. godine pritisku kada je vlada počela da hapsi njegove organizatore i da ih primorava da potpisuju lažna priznanja.

Da bi oslabila slobodu izražavanja i nezavisnost medija, ruska vlada nastavlja da pojačava pritisak i sprovodi kontrolu medija, što se događa istovremeno sa trendom pojačane kontrole i zlostavljanja štampe u nekoliko Evroazijskih zemalja, a naročito u Belorusiji i nekim državama Centralne Azije. Ruska taktika sastojala se u tome da pomoću kontrole vlasništva elektronskih medija ograniči pristup informacijama u vezi sa osetljivim pitanjima, kakvo je na primer Čečenija. Pritisak vlade je delovao i na novinare koji sve više primenjuju samocenzuru.

Pošto je obavila zvanične političke konsultacije sa Evropskom unijom vlada Togoa je usvojila novi zakon o štampi, ali sa neujednačenim rezultatima. Ukinula je zatvorske kazne za većinu novinarskih prestupa, ali ih je i dalje zadržala da bi mogla da potpiruje neke akcije, kao što su etnička mržnja i kršenje zakona, ili objavljivanje napisa pod tuđim imenom. Ovim zakonom utvrđuju se i norme profesionalizma za novinare i traži se od nezavisnih listova da barem jedna trećina novinara poštuje vladine normative.

Iako je Alžir 2004. godine imao prve demokratske izbore, na kojima je ponovo izabran predsednik Buteflika, vlada je preduzela korake da se povećaju restrikcije nad medijima. Sve više su se koristili klevetnički zakoni i ometanje štampe od strane vlade, zbog čega je nekoliko novinara uhapšeno i osuđeno na 2 do 24 meseca zatvora, a dva lista su zatvorena i samocenzura u štampi se povećala.

U Venecueli su međunarodne organizacije i domaći novinari optužili vladu da potpiruje neprijateljstvo protiv medija. Administrativni postupci, udruženi sa novi zakonom koji je donešen u decembru, stvorili su atmosferu neprijateljstva prema nezavisnim medijima i povećali opasnost od sudskog gonjenja.

Sloboda veroispovesti:

Verska pitanja obrađena su podrobnije u Godišnjem izveštaju o međunarodnoj slobodi veroispovesti, koji je izašao u septembru 2004. godine, dok ovaj Izveštaj po zemljama daje najnovije podatke i baca jaču svetlost na važne događaje.

Međunarodnim zakonom o slobodi veroispovesti, zemlje u kojima se sprovode izrazito surovi prekršaji slobode religije, označene su kao Posebno zabrinjavajuće države (CPC). Septembra 2004. godine državni sekretar ponovo je označio Burmu, Kinu, Iran, Severnu Koreju i Sudan kao CPC i po prvi put svrstao Eritreju, Saudijsku Arabiju i Vijetnam među takve države.

Pošto su prestala kršenja verskih sloboda, koja je u Iraku organizovala vlada pod Sadamom Huseinom, državni sekretar uklonio je juna 2004. Irak sa liste CPC država. Posle oslobođenja Iraka od strane koalicionih snaga, nije više bilo zapreka od stane vlade po pitanju slobode veroispovesti, a Tranzicioni administrativni zakon Iraka obezbeđuje »slobodu misli, savesti, religijskog verovanje i veroispovesti«.

Postupci vlade Saudijske Arabije u domenu slobode veroispovesti, veoma su razočaravajući. Tokom cele 2004. godine zvaničnici Sjedinjenih Država vodili su intenzivne razgovore sa vlastima Saudijske Arabije o ispovedanju vere, a u septembru je državni sekretar označio Saudijsku Arabiju kao »Posebno zabrinjavajuću državu« po Međunarodnom zakonu o slobodi religije, zbog specijalno surovih kršenja slobode veroispovesti. Vlada tvrdokorno nalaže versku usklađenost. Suniti koji nisu muslimani vahabiti, kao i šiti i muslimani sufi, podvrgnuti su diskriminaciji, a ponekad i okrutnim restrikcijama u ispovedanju njihove vere. Nekoliko verskih lidera bili su uhapšeni i bačeni u zatvor. Vlada zabranjuje javne verske aktivnosti nemuslimanima. Oni koji ispovedaju nemuslimanske vere rizikuju da budu uhapšeni, dopadnu zatvora, da budu podvrgnuti torturi, ili deportovani zbog toga što se bave verskim aktivnostima koje privlače pažnju zvaničnika. Često se dešavalo da propovednici iz džamija koje izdržava vlada, žestokim rečima govore u svojim propovedima protiv muslimana koji nisu suniti ili pripadaju drugim religijama.

Vijetnam je nastavio da ograničava slobodu veroispovest i delovanje verskih organizacija koje nisu odobrene od strane države. Vlada nije izdala opštenarodni dekret, kojim se zabranjuje odricanje od vere, niti je prekinula fizičko zlostavljanje vernika, a nastavila je da drži veliki broj verskih zatvorenika. Mada je dozvolila da se neke crkve, koje su u Centralnom Gorju bile zatvorene 2001. godine, ponovo otvore, odbila je da dozvoli otvaranje i registraciju na stotine drugih crkava. Ipak, po dobijanju oznake CPC, u Vijetnamu je došlo do nekih poboljšanja u domenu verskih sloboda. Neki verski vođi izrazili su oprezni optimizam u vezi sa novom Uredbom o religiji, koju je vlada izdala u novembru, a u decembru je Evangelistička crkva Severnog Vijetnama (ECVN) održala svoj prvi nacionalni kongres za poslednjih 20 godina i naimenovala novi, nezavisni rukovodeći odbor.

U ovom izveštaju navodimo i nekoliko pozitivnih primera na polju verskih sloboda. Na primer, posle čitavog niza odbijenih molbi, u Jermeniji su Jehovini svedoci uspeli oktobra meseca da se registruju kod vlade te države. U Bosni i Hercegovini novi zakon o slobodi veroispovesti na nivou države odobren je od strane oba zakonodavna tela. Zakon odobrava široka prava verskim zajednicama i daje im zakonski status koji ranije nisu imale. Takođe, saznajemo da je u Gruziji ove godine bilo manje nasilja nad manjinskim verskim grupama.

Tretman manjina, žena i dece

Stejt department je 30. decembra završio svoj Izveštaj o antisemitizmu, za period od 1. jula 2003. do 15. decembra 2004. Oslanjajući se u velikoj meri na materijale dobijene od naših ambasada, NGO-a i na svedočenja iz ovog Izveštaja, priredili smo ovaj poseban sažeti prikaz u saglsanosti sa posebnim zakonodavnim propisom.

U Češkoj i Slovačkoj Republici i dalje postoji diskriminacija Roma, iako su se obe vlade trudile da poprave situaciju, preduzevši određene mere, a to su: revizija zakonskih normi, regrutovanje Roma, koji bi bili veza između njihove zajednice i policije, ili uključenje Roma u zdravstvenu službu. U Hrvatskoj se znatno poboljšao proces restitucije imovine, pretežno srpske, iako na lokalnom planu i dalje postoji problem opstrukcije povratku manjinskih grupa. Na Kosovu su se dela nasilja prema manjinskom srpskom stanovništvu i drugim nealbanskim srpskim manjinama dogodila u toku mnogobrojnih protesta u dva dana u martu, što pokazuje da su tamo ljudska prava i dalje veoma krhka.

U Tajlandu su zlostavljanja počinjena od strane snaga bezbednosti nad muslimanskim disidentima u južnom delu zemlje, pokvarila ukupan učinak vlade na polju ljudskih prava. Neki pripadnici policije i vojske su 28. aprila ubili preko 100 ljudi u toku oružanog odgovora na napad muslimanskih separatista u provincijama Jali, Patani i Narativatu. Sedamdesetosam pritvorenih muslimana je 25. oktobra umrlo od ugušenja prilikom transporta u vojni logor, pošto su ih policajci i vojnici strpali u pretrpane kamione.

U Afganistanu i Iraku, žene su napravile neverovatan korak napred u korišćenju političkih prava zbog toga što su glasale, što su počele da rade u javnim službama i što su bile kandidati na izborima. Takođe i u prosveti i u drugim oblastima, žene su krupnim koracima krenule napred ka sticanju osnovnih prava. U Pakistanu su, zbog pritužbi na zlostavljanje žena po zatvorima, osnovane specijalne ženske policijske stanice, u kojima rade samo žene. Pored toga, kako su se u Pakistanu nastavila ubistva iz časti, donešeni su novi zakoni kojim se uvode strožije kazne za ubijanja iz časti, dok je krivični postupak za zakone o kleveti i Hudud verskim obredima izmenjen da bi se smanjilo zlostavljanje.

U izvesnom broju zemalja jedan od najznačajnijih problema u vezi sa zlostavljanjem žena i dece je nespremnost države da se energično bori protiv uslova koji uzrokuju trgovinu ženama i decom.

U Burmi, žene i devojke sa sela prodavane su u prostituciju na stajalištima kamiona, u ribarskim selima, graničnim gradovima i rudarskim i vojnim logorima. Burmanski muškarci, žene i deca prodaju se i drugim zemljama. Situacija je pogoršana zbog toga što vlada loše upravlja privredom i koristi prinudni rad.

U Ujedinjenim Arapskim Emiratima (UAE) žene i devojke koriste se kao prostitutke i služavke, a mladi dečaci eksploatišu se kao džokeji na kamilama. U jednom nedavno snimljenom dokumentarnom filmu o džokejima na kamilama, primećuje se da su oni veoma mladi, a tada obično i počinje njihovo zloupotrebljavanje. U filmu se takođe vide teški uslovi života koji mogu dovesti do ozbiljnih povreda i smrti, slaba uhranjenost dečaka, kao i fizičko i seksualno zlostavljanje od stane poslodavaca. Vlada se obavezala da će preduzeti mere ograničenog učinka protiv ovakvog postupanja.

Propagiranje turizma od strane države pokreće na Kubi eksploatatorske interese, koji promovišu seks-turizam i seksualnu zloupotrebu maloletnih devojčica u svrhu prostituisanja.

U Ekvatorijalnoj Gvineji, zbog naftnog sektora koji je sada u punom zamahu, zemlja je postala tranzitna tačka i odredište trgovine ženama u svrhu prostituisanja.

Broj Indusa koje trgovci ljudima prodaju za prinudni rad i u seksualne svrhe, procenjuje se na milione. Pored toga, više hiljada Nepalaca i državljana Bangladeša prodaju se u Indiji radi seksualnih usluga. U Indiji je trgovina ljudima veliki problem, a neki funkcioneri vlade učestvovali su u tim radnjama ili su ih omogućavali. Iako u Indiji policija i dalje ne reaguje na problem trgovine ljudima na nacionalnom planu, u nekim njenim državama primećen je izvestan napredak, a centralna vlada se nedavno obavezala da će ustanoviti i primeniti politiku borbe protiv trgovine ljudima u celoj zemlji.

Nasilje i diskriminacija nezaštićenih grupa ljudi i dalje je veliki problem u Tanzaniji. U avgustu je poluautonomno ostrvo Zanzibar stavilo homoseksualizam van zakona i odredilo za to okrutne kazne na svojoj autonomnoj teritoriji. U kontinentalnoj Tanzaniji 4 miliona žena i devojaka izvršilo je sakaćenje ženskih genitalija (FGM), i mada zakon delimično zabranjuje takvu praksu, policija retko sprovodi zakon, a izgleda da se prosečno doba sakaćenja snižava da bi se izbeglo otkrivanje tih dela.

Prava radnika

U Iraku je primena radničkih prava i dalje ograničena, uglavnom zbog nasilja, nezaposlenosti i loše prilagođenosti radničkih organizacija i zakona, mada je krajem godine napravljen izvestan napredak uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice. Prema podacima Međunarodne konfederacije slobodnih sindikata sa sedištem u Briselu (ICFTU), radnici su počeli da organizuju sindikate u radnim organizacijama, što je pređašnji režim zakonom zabranjivao, i da oživljavaju sindikalne organizacije u kojima su nekad gospodarili pripadnici Baas partije. Tokom cele godine Međunarodna radnička organizacija (ILO) pružala je Iraku tehničku pomoć na usklađivanju zakona o radu sa međunarodnim normama rada. Osim toga, pomagala je da se Ministarstvo za rad i društvena pitanja ponovo osposobi za rad, da se uspostave hitne službe i da se organizuju programi obuke i usavršavanja.

U aprilu je Istražna komisija, obrazovana po članu 26 Ustava ILO-a, posetila Belorusiju da bi ispitala navodne žalbe da tamošnja vlada sistematski krši obaveze zacrtane osnovnom Konvencijom ILO-a o slobodi udruživanja i zaštiti prava organizovanja i kolektivnog pregovaranja, iako je ratifikovala obe te obaveze. Komisija je u svom izveštaju, koji je izašao u oktobru, došla do zaključka da je sindikalni pokret te zemlje u svom radu izložen značajnom mešanju vlade. Komisija je dala preporuku da vlada preduzme sve što je potrebno da bi se omogućila registracija nezavisnih sindikata, da bi se ispravili zakoni i uredbe koje ograničavaju slobodu udruživanja, zaštitili nezavisni sindikalni radnici od anti-sindikalne diskriminacije, i široko primenili zaključci i preporuke Komisije. Rečeno je da većina ovih preporuka treba da bude primenjena u praksi najdalje do juna 2005. godine.

Pod vođstvom predsednika Buša, Sjedinjene Države su zajedno sa svojim demokratskim saveznicima istupile ispred svih da još jednom potvrde svoju privrženost ideji ljudskih prava i demokratije. Mi svoje uverenje zasnivamo na principu da će nacije kojima vladaju slobodni ljudi biti kamen temeljac napretka ka jednom mirnijem svetu za sve ljude. Izvršavanje naših demokratskih dužnosti zavisi od odlučnosti i jake želje njenih propagatora. Neka Izveštaj po zemljama koji sledi posluži kao pokazatelj onog što je do sada učinjeno u tom pravcu i kao vodič koji će nam ukazati kako da savladamo prepreke koje stoje pred nama.

back to top ^